
While I was in Cadaqués, Spain, my favorite statue (the double-torched Statue of Liberty) was decorated with pro-Catalunya flags. Talking with Spaniards and Catalans from both sides of this very divisive issue, I came up with a sidebar for the next edition of my Spain guidebook. Here’s the draft I’ll be sending my editors. —Rick
In much of Spain, you’ll find four languages on ATM screens — and all of them are from within Spain: Spanish for the majority of the population, Galician for the Celtic people of northwest Spain, Euskara for the Basques in the far north, and Catalan for the people of Catalunya in the northeast, which includes Barcelona. The country is more complicated than many realize.
Spain recently accepted the surrender of the ETA, a Basque separatist group, after it laid down its weapons. But suddenly, Catalunya is in the news with a bold movement for independence — and Spain is in the news for its hard stance against the separatists.
Many Europeans are shocked by the harsh reaction from Madrid. Many Spaniards are upset that it wasn’t stronger. And Catalunya itself is sadly divided. Those who oppose Catalan independence still feel loyal to Catalunya — but just not in favor of splitting. And those passionate for a completely independent Catalunya consider those who oppose them to be turncoats.
Catalunya has a proud and independent spirit. And for centuries, it has lived as part of Spain. It has a bittersweet relationship with Madrid, and many Catalans consider themselves “a nation without a state.” Strained relations are nothing new between Barcelona and Madrid. Generally, the Catalans demonstrate but strive to do so politely.
Pro-independence Catalans explained the situation to me like this: Tensions rose in 2017 when Catalunya wanted the right to vote (like Scotland) for the option to be independent. Madrid said “no” and sent 4,000 police officers to Barcelona. So, despite the ban, in October the Catalan people had a referendum: stay or leave.
The Catalan government says that 90 percent of those who voted in the referendum supported independence. But Spain declared the vote illegal — and, despite the fact that the demonstrators were peaceful (even in the face of police violence), once the Catalan government declared independence, Madrid charged several leaders with the crimes of rebellion and sedition. The Catalan president fled the country rather than go to jail.
Why did the Catalans decide to break? They tell me it was because of the central government in Madrid becoming right-wing and regressive and repeatedly overriding domestic initiatives that had generally been left to the Catalan people.
Just like Vermont is more liberal than Wyoming, Catalunya is more liberal than mainstream Spain. Catalans made laws to prohibit bullfighting (overturned by Madrid). Catalan laws banning fracking, protecting cultural heritage, promoting gender equality, and taxing nuclear energy, corporations, and banks in creative ways to help society in general (all quite common and even mainstream among other European nations) were opposed and overridden by Madrid. Madrid even established that if one child in a Catalan school asks that the Spanish language be used in a classroom, the entire class must be taught in Spanish rather than Catalan.
From a Barcelona perspective, the national news coverage of these issues is biased in favor of Madrid. And in much of the Catalan press, it’s biased in the other direction.
It’s a sad time for Catalans in this regard. Many say they don’t want to be anti-Spain. Instead, they are anti-Castilian (as the central region of Castile dominates the national government). It’s become a split society, divided by the question: Are you for independence or are you a Spanish nationalist? In Catalunya, being pro-independence is politically correct, and Spanish nationalists are often insulted as “fascists.” But my friends in Barcelona remind me that you can be against independence and for Catalunya — and you can be for independence and not anti-Spain. Catalans who want to stay with Spain feel that the separatists (which opinion polls say are a clear minority in Catalunya) are driving a wedge between themselves and the rest of society. Many very patriotic Catalans do not want a wall and believe they can be adequately autonomous without leaving Spain. It’s an awkward discussion (much like the political dynamic in the US today).
The unfortunate thing about independence votes is that they are all or nothing. And most people would like something in the middle — which is not an option on the ballot. Sadly, Madrid’s aggressive response to this latest surge for Catalan independence is driving many Spanish nationalists and moderate citizens into the independence camp.
It’s a bit like David and Goliath. But David is not always right. A Catalan friend who is against separating made the case that the real victim of this is Catalan society in general, as now there is no longer a “Catalan people.” The society is divided and losing its ability to talk together. He misses the good old days when, on the day of Sant Jordi (the patron saint of all Catalans), the roses were all red — not yellow, the color of protest. Only time will tell what’s the future of Catalunya and its relationship with Madrid.
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